HISTORY
Archaeologists
have found Stone-Age implements and pebble tools in several areas
of Zimbabwe, a suggestion of human habitation for many centuries,
and the ruins of stone buildings provide evidence of early civilization.
The most impressive of these sites is the "Great Zimbabwe"
ruins, after which the country is named, located near Masvingo.
Evidence suggests that these stone structures were built between
the 9th and 13th centuries A.D. by indigenous Africans who had
established trading contacts with commercial centers on Africa's
southeastern coast.
In the
16th century, the Portuguese were the first Europeans to attempt
colonization of south-central Africa, but the hinterland lay virtually
untouched by Europeans until the arrival of explorers, missionaries,
ivory hunters, and traders some 300 years later. Meanwhile, mass
migrations of indigenous peoples took place. Successive waves
of more highly developed Bantu peoples from equatorial regions
supplanted the original inhabitants and are the ancestors of the
region's Africans today.
British
Settlement and Administration
In 1888, Cecil Rhodes obtained a concession for mineral rights
from local chiefs. Later that year, the area that became Southern
and Northern Rhodesia was proclaimed a British sphere of influence.
The British South Africa Company was chartered in 1889, and the
settlement of Salisbury (now Harare, the capital) was established
in 1890. In 1895, the territory was formally named Rhodesia after
Cecil Rhodes under the British South Africa Company's administration.
Following
the abrogation of the company's charter in 1923, Southern Rhodesia's
white settlements were given the choice of being incorporated
into the Union of South Africa or becoming a separate entity within
the British Empire. The settlers rejected incorporation, and Southern
Rhodesia was formally annexed by the United Kingdom that year.
Until 1980, Rhodesia was an internally self-governing colony with
its own legislature, civil service, armed forces, and police.
Although Rhodesia was never administered directly from London,
the United Kingdom always retained the right to intervene in the
affairs of the colony, particularly in matters affecting Africans.
After
1923, European immigrants concentrated on developing Rhodesia's
rich mineral resources and agricultural potential. The settlers'
demand for more land led in 1934 to the passage of the first of
a series of land apportionment acts that reserved certain areas
for Europeans.
In September
1953, Southern Rhodesia was joined in a multiracial Central African
Federation with the British protectorate of Northern Rhodesia
and Nyasaland in an effort to pool resources and markets. Although
the federation flourished economically, the African population,
who feared they would not be able to achieve self-government with
the federal structure dominated by White Southern Rhodesians,
opposed it. The federation was dissolved at the end of 1963 after
much crisis and turmoil, and Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland became
the independent states of Zambia and Malawi in 1964.
Unilateral
Declaration Of Independence (UDI)
The European electorate in Rhodesia, however, showed little willingness
to accede to African demands for increased political participation
and progressively replaced more moderate party leaders. In April
1964, Prime Minister Winston Field, accused of not moving rapidly
enough to obtain independence from the United Kingdom, was replaced
by his deputy, Ian Smith. Prime Minster Smith led his Rhodesian
Front Party to an overwhelming victory in the 1965 elections,
winning all 50 of the first roll seats and demoralizing the more
moderate European opposition.
Although
prepared to grant independence to Rhodesia, the United Kingdom
insisted that the authorities at Salisbury first demonstrate their
intention to move toward eventual majority rule. Desiring to keep
their dominant position, the white Rhodesians refused to give
such assurances. On November 11, 1965, after lengthy and unsuccessful
negotiations with the British Government, Prime Minister Smith
issued a Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) from the
United Kingdom.
Post-UDI
Events
The British Government considered the UDI unconstitutional and
illegal but made clear that it would not use force to oppose it.
On November 12, 1965, the United Nations also determined the Rhodesian
Government and UDI to be illegal and called on member states to
refrain from assisting or recognizing the Smith regime. The British
Government imposed sanctions on Rhodesia and requested other nations
to do the same.
On December
16, 1966, the UN Security Council, for the first time in this
history, imposed mandatory economic sanctions on a state. Rhodesia's
primary exports including ferrochrome and tobacco, were placed
on the selective sanctions list, as were shipments of arms, aircraft,
motor vehicles, petroleum, and petroleum products to Rhodesia.
On May 29, 1968, the Security Council unanimously voted to broaden
the sanctions by imposing an almost total embargo on all trade
with, investments in, or transfers of funds to Rhodesia and imposed
restrictions on air transport to the territory.
In the
early 1970s, informal attempts at settlement were renewed between
the United Kingdom and the Rhodesian administration. Following
the April 1974 coup in Portugal and the resulting shifts of power
in Mozambique and Angola, pressure on the Smith regime to negotiate
a peaceful settlement increased. In addition, sporadic antigovernment
guerilla activity, which began in the late 1960s, increased dramatically
after 1972, causing destruction, economic dislocation, casualties,
and a slump in white morale. In 1974, the major African nationalists
groups--the Zimbabwe African Peoples Union (ZAPU) and the Zimbabwe
African National Union (ZANU), which split away from ZAPU in 1963--were
united into the "Patriotic Front" and combined their
military forces, at least nominally.
In 1976,
because of a combination of embargo-related economic hardships,
the pressure of guerilla activity, independence and majority rule
in the neighboring former Portuguese territories, and a U.K.-U.S.
diplomatic initiative, the Smith government agreed in principle
to majority rule and to a meeting in Geneva with black nationalist
leaders to negotiate a final settlement of the conflict. Blacks
represented at the Geneva meeting included ZAPU leader Joshua
Nkomo, ZANU leader Robert Mugabe, UANC chairman bishop Abel Muzorewa,
and former ZANU leader Rev. Nadabaningi Sithole. The meeting failed
to find a basis for agreement because of Smith's inflexibility
and the inability of the black leaders to form a common political
front.
On September
1, 1977 a detailed Anglo-American plan was put forward with proposals
for majority rule, neutrally administered with pre-independence
elections, a democratic constitution and the formation of an integrated
army. Reactions were mixed, but no party rejected them. In the
interim, on March 3, 1978, the Smith administration signed the
"internal settlement" agreement in Salisbury with Bishop
Muzorewa, Rev. Sithole, and Chief Jeremiah Chirau. The agreement
provided for qualified majority rule and elections with universal
suffrage. Following elections in April 1979, in which his UANC
party won a majority, Bishop Muzorewa assumed office on June 1,
becoming "Zimbabwe-Rhodesia's" first black prime minister.
However, the installation of the new black majority government
did not end the guerilla conflict that had claimed more than 20,000
lives since 1972.
Shortly
after British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher's conservative
government took power in May 1979, the British began a new round
of consultations that culminated in an agreement among the Commonwealth
countries as the basis for fresh negotiations among the parties
and the British involving a new constitution, free elections and
independence.
The British
and the African parties began deliberations on a Rhodesian settlement
at Lancaster House in London on September 10, 1979. On December
10, 1979, in preparation for the transition under British authority
to officially recognized independence, the "Zimbabwe-Rhodesia"
reverted de facto to colonial status. On December 12, British
Governor Lord Christopher Soames arrived in Salisbury to reassert
British authority over the colony. His arrival signaled the end
of the Rhodesian rebellion and the "internal settlement,"
as well as the beginning of Zimbabwe's transition to independence.
The United Kingdom lifted all remaining sanctions against Zimbabwe
that day. The United States lifted sanctions effective December
16.
On December
21, after 3 months of hard bargaining, the parties signed an agreement
at Lancaster House calling for a cease-fire, new elections, a
transition period under British rule, and a new constitution implementing
majority rule while protecting minority rights. The agreement
specified that upon the granting of independence, the country's
name would be Zimbabwe. The same day, the UN Security Council
endorsed the settlement agreement and formally voted unanimously
to call on member nations to remove sanctions.
During
the transition period, nine political parties campaigned for the
February 27-29 pre-independence elections. The elections were
supervised by the British Government and monitored by hundreds
of observers, most of whom concluded that, under the prevailing
circumstances, the elections were free and fair and reflected
the will of the people. Robert Mugabe's ZANU (PF) party won an
absolute majority and was asked to form Zimbabwe's first government.
In a series
of public statements during the transition period, Prime Minister
Mugabe indicated that he was committed to a process of national
reconciliation and reconstruction as well as moderate socioeconomic
change. His priorities were to integrate the various armed forces,
reestablish social services and education in rural areas, and
resettle the estimated one million refugees and displaced persons.
Mugabe also announced that his government would begin investigating
ways of reversing past discriminatory policies in land distribution,
education, employment, and wages.
Mugabe
stated that Zimbabwe would follow a nonaligned foreign policy
and would pursue a pragmatic relationship with South Africa. He
noted that while Zimbabwe opposed apartheid and would support
democratic change in South Africa, it would not provide bases
for anti-South African guerillas.
The British
Government formally granted independence to Zimbabwe on April
18, 1980. Most nations recognized Zimbabwe following independence.
The United States was to first nation to open an embassy in Salisbury
(Harare) on that day. Parliament convened for the first time on
May 13, 1980. Zimbabwe became a member of the United Nations on
August 25, 1980.
In seeking
national reconciliation, Prime Minister Mugabe's first cabinet
comprised members of ZANU-PF, PF-ZAPU, and independent white members
of parliament (MPs) and senators. The government embarked on an
ambitious reconstruction and development program and instituted
increases in minimum wages. Land redistribution proceeded under
four experimental models on land that the government had purchased
at market rates from willing sellers.
Zimbabwe
Since Independence
Prime Minister Mugabe's policy of reconciliation was generally
successful during the country's first two years of independence,
as the former political and military opponents began to work together.
Although additional blacks were hired to fill new places in the
civil service, there was no retribution for those whites who had
worked for the Smith regime. Smith and many of his associates
held seats in the parliament where they participated freely in
debates. Likewise, Joshua Nkomo, Mugabe's rival as leader of the
nationalist forces, was included in the first cabinet along with
several other members of PF-ZAPU.
Splits
soon developed, however. In 1981, several MPs from Smith's party
left to sit as "independents," signifying that they
did not automatically accept his anti-government posture. More
importantly, government security officials discovered large caches
of arms and ammunition on properties owned by ZAPU, and Nkomo
and his followers were accused of plotting to overthrow Mugabe's
government. Nkomo and his closest aides were expelled from the
cabinet.
As a result
of what they perceived as persecution of Nkomo (known as "Father
Zimbabwe") and of his party, PF-ZAPU supporters, some of
them deserters from the army, began a loosely organized and ill-defined
campaign of dissidence against the government. Centering primarily
in Matabeleland, home of the Ndebeles who were PF-ZAPU's main
followers, this dissidence continued through 1987 and involved
attacks on government personnel and installations, armed banditry
aimed at disrupting security and economic life in the rural areas,
and harassment of ZANU-PF members. Occasionally, some demanded
that Nkomo and his colleagues be reinstated in the cabinet. More
frequently, however, dissidents called for the return of farms
and other properties seized from PF-ZAPU.
Because
of the unsettled security situation immediately after independence
and the continuing anti-government dissidence, the government
kept in force a "state of emergency," which was first
declared before UDI. This gave government authorities widespread
powers under the "Law and Order Maintenance Act," including
the right to detain persons without charge.
In 1983-84,
the government declared a curfew in areas of Matabeleland and
sent in the army in an attempt to suppress dissidents. Credible
reports surfaced of widespread violence and disregard for human
rights by the security forces during these operations, and the
level of political tension rose in the country as a result. The
pacification campaign, known as the "Gukuruhundi," or
strong wind, resulted in as many as 20,000 civilian deaths. Nkomo
and his lieutenants repeatedly denied any connection with the
dissidents and called for an all-party conference to discuss the
political problems facing the country. In the 1985 elections,
ZANU-PF increased its majority, holding 67 of the 100 seats. ZANU-PF
and PF-ZAPU agreed to unite in December 1987, and the parties
formally merged in December 1989.
In October
1987, in accordance with the Lancaster House Accords, the constitution
was amended to end the separate roll for white voters and to replace
the whites whose reserved seats had been abolished; among the
new members were 15 whites in the Senate and House of Assembly.
Elections in March 1990 resulted in another overwhelming victory
for Mugabe and his party, which won 117 of the 120 election seats.
However, voter turnout was only 54%, and the campaign was not
free and fair although the actual balloting was. Not satisfied
with a de facto one-party state, Mugabe called on the ZANU-PF
Central Committee to support the creation of a de jure one-party
state in September 1990 and lost. The state of emergency was lifted
in July 1990.
After
the remaining restrictions of the Lancaster House agreement expired
on April 18, 1990, the government embarked on a campaign of amending
the existing constitution. Both the judiciary and human rights
advocates fiercely criticized some of the first amendments, which
were enacted in April 1991, because they restored corporal and
capital punishment and denied recourse to the courts in cases
of compulsory purchase of land by the government.
During
the 1990s students, trade unionists and workers often demonstrated
to express their discontent with the government. Students protested
in October 1990 against proposals for an increase in government
control of universities and again in May 1991 and May 1992, when
they clashed with police. Trade unionists and workers were also
vocal critics of the government during this time. In June 1992,
police prevented trade unionists from holding anti-government
demonstrations. In 1994, there was widespread industrial unrest.
In August and September 1996, thousands of civil servants demanding
salary increases organized a national strike and in October and
November of the same year, nurses and junior doctors went on strike
over salary issues.
In part
through its control of the media, the huge parastatal sector of
the economy, and the security forces, the government has managed
to keep organized political opposition to a minimum through most
of the 1990’s. Beginning in 1999, however, Zimbabwe has
experienced a period of considerable political and economic upheaval.
Opposition to President Mugabe and the ZANU-PF government has
grown in recent years, in part due to worsening economic and human
rights conditions. The opposition is currently led by the Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC), which was established in September
1999.
The MDC’s
first opportunity to test opposition to the Mugabe government
came in February 2000, when a referendum was held on a draft constitution
proposed by the government. Among its elements, the new constitution
would have permitted President Mugabe to seek two additional terms
in office, granted government officials immunity from prosecution,
and authorized government seizure of white-owned land. The referendum
was handily defeated. Shortly thereafter, the government, through
a loosely organized group of war veterans, sanctioned an aggressive
land redistribution program often characterized by forced expulsion
of white farmers and violence against both farmers and farm employees.
Parliamentary
elections held in June 2000 were marred by localized violence,
and claims of electoral irregularities and government intimidation
of opposition supporters. Nonetheless, the MDC succeeded in capturing
57 of 120 seats in the National Assembly.
The March
2002 presidential election was preceded by months of intensive
violence and intimidation against MDC supporters, and more than
50 people, mostly opposition supporters, were killed. President
Mugabe was declared the winner over challenger Morgan Tsvangirai
by a 56-to-42 percent margin. Most international observers condemned
the election as seriously flawed--the pre-election environment
was neither free nor fair, and the election itself was marred
by significant fraud and rigging--but regional opinions were mixed.
Soon after the election, the MDC filed a petition challenging
Mugabe's victory, citing flaws in electoral laws, electoral irregularities
and pre-election violence. As of the end of 2004, the case had
not yet been decided.
As a result
of this election, the United States, the EU, and other European
countries imposed travel restrictions against senior Zimbabwean
officials and embargoed the sale of arms to Zimbabwe. The U.S.
and the EU also froze the financial assets of selected ruling
party officials. The Commonwealth suspended Zimbabwe from council
meetings for one year after its election observer team found the
election neither free nor fair. At the mid-term suspension review
in March 2003, the three-country committee charged with deciding
Zimbabwe's fate decided to continue the suspension until the next
Commonwealth meeting in December 2003. At this meeting, despite
vigorous campaigning by South Africa, Zimbabwe was not invited
to attend the meeting and the Commonwealth decided to continue
with the suspension. Immediately after this, Mugabe withdrew Zimbabwe
from the Commonwealth.
Since the presidential election, the political climate has remained tense and intensely polarized. Violence escalated in the run up to rural council elections in September 2002 and various parliamentary by-elections that year. Parliamentary by-elections in Kuwadzana, Highfield, Zengeza, and Lupane in 2003 were marred by widespread intimidation and beatings. The government also passed legislation that curtailed free speech, free press, and rights of assembly. In March 2003, MDC leaders Morgan Tsvangirai, Welshman Ncube, and Renson Gasela went on trial for treason. Charges against Ncube and Gasela were subsequently dropped and in October 2004 Tsvangirai was found not guilty. In August 2005, the government dropped a second charge of treason against Tsvangirai.
The government subscribed to the electoral principles of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) in 2004 but failed to implement key elements of the principles in advance of the 2005 parliamentary elections. The campaign period and election day were largely non-violent, but the elections were not free and fair. The election process was marred by repressive legislation that limits freedom of speech and assembly; millions of expatriate Zimbabweans were not permitted to vote; the government used food distributions to influence an increasingly hungry population; an astonishingly high 10% (as high as 30% in some areas) of would-be voters were turned away; and discrepancies in officially announced results and the government's refusal to release key voting data have led to questions about the possibility of fraud.
In May 2005, the government began Operation Murambatsvina (also known as Operation Restore Order), ostensibly to rid urban areas of illegal structures, illegal business enterprises, and criminal activities. A UN Special Envoy sent to Zimbabwe to assess the scope and impact of operation estimated that some 700,000 people nationwide lost their homes, their source of livelihood or both. Families and traders, especially at the beginning of the operation, were often given no notice before police destroyed their homes and businesses. Others were able to salvage some possessions and building materials but often had nowhere to go, despite the government's statement that people should be returning to their rural homes. Thousands of families were left unprotected in the open in the middle of Zimbabwe's winter. The government interfered with non-governmental organization (NGO) efforts to provide emergency assistance to the displaced in many instances. Some families were removed to transit camps, where they had no shelter or cooking facilities and minimal food, supplies, and sanitary facilities. The operation continued into July 2005, when the government began a program to provide housing for the newly displaced. As of September 2007, housing construction fell far short of demand, and there were reports that beneficiaries were mostly civil servants and ruling party loyalists, not those displaced. The government campaign of forced evictions continued in 2006 and 2007, albeit on a lesser scale.
